Mugabe gets the band back together
One of the best reasons to travel, I think, is that you come to care about the rest of the world. I visited Malawi, Zimbabwe, Nepal, and Haiti when each of them was relatively peaceful and prosperous, and so their subsequent disasters have hit me harder than they would have otherwise.
Peter Godwin, whose Rhodesian childhood was recounted in his memoir Mukiwa, returned to Zimbabwe in 2008, when Robert Mugabe—already the oldest national leader in the world—had just lost the presidential election and was expected to step down. The country’s economy had been devastated to the point where you needed a brick of currency to buy a cup of coffee. In 1990, when I spent six months in Zimbabwe, the highest note in circulation was for twenty dollars. In 2008, the government was printing trillion-dollar notes.
As Godwin describes, the result was that even urban dwellers were turning to subsistence agriculture, growing corn on the median strips of highways, cooking over wood fires in houses that no longer had gas and electricity, and showing up at the office smelling of woodsmoke. But worst of all, and the focus of this book, was the reign of terror that Mugabe and his ZANU-PF party unleashed to stop political change.
As far as I can tell, there is no one Godwin met during his travels through Zimbabwe that I met myself when I was there. Yet in a way I feel I know them. The names are the names of people I met—Lovemore, Trymore, Tapiwa, Chenjerai, Tichaona—or they have a familiar Zimbabwean flavor. I knew a government official named Devious; Godwin met a man named Obvious. There are young women with old-fashioned English names, and a little girl named Pestilence—a sign that the Shona care more about the sound of English names than the exact meaning.
Conversational habits take me back too: the soft handclap greeting of rural women, the interjection “shame,” scraps of remembered Shona like makorokoto (congratulations) and pamusoroi (excuse me), and the ingrained use of “too” to mean “very.” “There are too many animals here,” says a senator of the opposition MDC party. “Leopard and kudu, mambas and puff adders.”
The places are familiar too. Living in Eastlea and working at a government office on Herbert Chitepo Avenue, I used to see the Meikles and Monomatapa hotels, the national art museum and the US embassy practically every day. I visited Cecil Rhodes’ grave (where Godwin’s eccentric sister claims to have had sex) and climbed dwalas like the ones he mentions: humped granite hills sometimes called whalebacks.
The truth about Mugabe should have been clear at least since the early 1980s, not long after he took power as the leader of an independent Zimbabwe. That’s when he unleashed the Fifth Brigade in Matabeleland, with the aim of crushing the opposition ZAPU party. Godwin puts the death toll at 20,000 civilians, or about 1% of the country’s population.
Yet because Mugabe was a plausible, well-spoken man with a business suit and several college degrees, many people resisted the idea that he was a killer and a dictator. Foreign investors were pleased that he didn’t nationalize their businesses, as he was expected to do. Progressives were pleased that he supported the ANC and put money into health and education.
I didn’t change my mind about Mugabe until 1990. It was an election year, and members of the ZANU-PF Youth League broke up rallies of the opposition Zimbabwe Unity Movement (ZUM) and attacked its candidates. ZUM’s vice presidential candidate was shot and wounded, other candidates were killed, and several critics of the government died in convenient car accidents, sometimes by colliding with armored vehicles belonging to the army.
One sign of how bad things became in Zimbabwe is that Godwin doesn’t even mention the election violence of 1990. But he does note that to carry out the postelection attacks of 2008, Mugabe got his old band back together.
The pace of violence picks up around the country as Operation Ngatipedzenavo—“Let Us Finish Them Off”—gets under way. Mugabe’s election strategy has been completely militarized. The securocrats have taken over the day-to-day running of the campaign. The team that Mugabe has put in charge of the operation is led by the Minister of Defense, Sydney Sekeremai, working with Air Marshal Perence Shiri and General Constantine Chiwenga, out of Joint Operations Command. It’s the same dream team that carried out the Matabeleland massacres twenty-five years before, when Perence “Black Jesus” Shiri commanded the North-Korean-trained Fifth Brigade, alongside Chiwenga, under the then Minister of Defense, Sydney Sekeremai. They are all architects of a previous genocide.
When The Fear was first published, its subtitle was “The Last Days of Robert Mugabe.” Now its subtitle is the less optimistic “Robert Mugabe and the Martyrdom of Zimbabwe.”